The crisis does not distinguish species
July 13, 2022
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A frequent question among citizens, especially en
in authoritarian contexts, it is who can defend them against the systematic violation of their rights and why organizations such as the United Nations or the Organization of American States "seem" to do nothing in the face of serious violations of Human Rights (DDHH). In this sense, these lines are presented as an approach to the functioning of these organizations, their powers in the protection of human rights in order to have expectations much closer to reality and to make a special call on the Universal Periodic Review.
What are Human Rights Protection Systems?
In general terms, these systems are understood as the set of bodies and instruments responsible for the promotion and protection of Human Rights at the national, regional and universal levels. It is in these last two areas that we find the Universal System for the Protection of Human Rights as part of the United Nations and the Inter-American System for the Protection of Human Rights as part of the Organization of American States.
However, these protection systems find constant limitations, among them, state sovereignty and the lack of will of the States to comply with their commitments, since one of the distinctive features of these systems is that they are complementary to state institutions, therefore, they cannot directly replace the functions of the State. It should be noted that this will does not exempt them from being responsible in case of violation of their international commitments, but direct intervention in the territories is not conceived and another of the main weaknesses of the systems is the lack of mechanisms that can subdue the States . Until now, the controversial Responsibility to Protect continues to be debated as a more effective way to overcome these limitations and help the population in serious cases. However, some countries claim that this is a way of masking the intervention.
How do the Human Rights Protection Systems work?
Although it is not an easy task to think about the effectiveness of these structures, democratic contexts certainly favor the commitment of States. The greatest difficulty occurs in authoritarian contexts, considering that protection systems are thought of as complementary institutions to the functionality of the State and are part of the commitment of national institutions. These bodies start from the assumption that the States do indeed intend to advance in the promotion and protection of Human Rights and that in those cases in which a violation may occur, they are willing and have the instruments to recognize and repair the victims.
In addition to this, most of these protection mechanisms previously require the acceptance of their competence by the State. This is precisely one of the great difficulties in the case of Cuba, even more so when internationally many States have not yet established a clear position regarding the type of regime and what are the actions that should be taken in the face of the violation not only of the democratic institutions of the State of law but of the systematic and massive violation of Human Rights.
What can we do in authoritarian contexts?
Despite the aforementioned limitations, there are very important mechanisms to make contexts such as Cuba visible, being an advantage that some do not require additional ratifications for their operation and pronouncement on the situation of the State, it is only required to be a member of the System of United Nations. Such is the case of the Human Rights Council, which although it is a body highly criticized for being a government entity where, within its 47 members, we frequently find non-democratic States, it is an essential space for making crises visible.
This body, together with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Conventional Bodies and the Special Procedures, make up the Universal Human Rights System. Having the majority of these bodies (except conventional bodies) the competence to act without the ratification of any other additional instrument beyond the United Nations charter.
Although certain spheres of the Universal System have been monopolized by the Cuban regime, making use of official civil society organizations to bring their reports and invalidate any dissident voice. It is necessary, knowing the limitations of their powers, to retake these spaces. Thus, the next Universal Periodic Review (UPR) that Cuba will take in 2023 in the 44th cycle (October - November) is presented as a great opportunity. In this sense, the call is made to independent civil society organizations, from diversity and plurality, to deliver contributions that contrast with the reality that the regime in power wants to sell and thereby demonstrate the lack of commitment to the 2018 UPR results and recommendations.
What is it and what to expect from the Universal Periodic Review?
For the development of its activities, the Human Rights Council, in addition to having the power to designate investigative missions and field visits, has four subsidiary bodies: the Special Procedures, the Advisory Committee, the Complaint Procedure and the Mechanism of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR). It is about the latter that they want to make a special appeal.
Currently there is no other universal mechanism of the same nature as the Universal Periodic Review. This is a process that is presented as a way to examine in depth, every 4.5 years, the human rights situation in all the countries that make up the United Nations and compliance with instruments such as the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the human rights instruments to which the State is a party, the commitments assumed by the State and applicable international humanitarian law.
This examination is based on three sources: first, the information provided by the State generally known as the “national report”; the second, the information contained in the reports of the Special Procedures, human rights treaty bodies and other UN entities; and third, information from other interested parties, including non-governmental organizations.
After several stages of the examination, in a plenary session of the Working Group, the final document on the result of said examination and the position of the State regarding the recommendations made is adopted. In this adoption, the following participate: the State under review, the other States and other interested actors that include national Human Rights institutions and NGO representatives. All States have the responsibility to implement the agreed recommendations in the final outcome and in those cases in which the State does not cooperate, the Human Rights Council may decide the measures that can be taken.
In view of the above, although it is clear that this does not produce structural changes immediately, this is an important measure of pressure and visibility. For this reason, it is necessary that, in the case of Cuba, independent civil society organizations participate in a coordinated and massive manner, having clear expectations regarding the Council's capacity for action. Perhaps the most important thing in the next UPR is to demonstrate that the pro-government voice that the regime has managed to position as the truth is nothing more than a distorted reality and that it seeks to exempt Cuba from responsibility.
Como se mencionó anteriormente, la violencia contra las mujeres se manifiesta de múltiples formas, y su impacto se extiende a esferas tan fundamentales como lo es el derecho a la alimentación. La vulnerabilidad de las mujeres ante la violencia de género a menudo se traduce en limitaciones significativas en su capacidad para acceder a una nutrición adecuada y sostenible.
En el contexto cubano, la intersección entre la violencia contra las mujeres y el derecho a la alimentación se torna aún más compleja debido a las dinámicas específicas del régimen. La represión política no solo limitan la capacidad de las mujeres para denunciar casos de violencia de género, sino que también influyen directamente en su acceso a recursos esenciales, incluyendo la alimentación. Esta situación ha sido constatada por el trabajo realizado en Food Monitor Program, numerosas mujeres nos han compartido sus testimonios como evidencia de la violencia sistemática que se ejerce en su contra.[1]
El día a día de mujeres como Yuneisy, Rita, Tamara y Francisca se desenvuelve entre la violencia normalizada reflejada en la escasez y el difícil acceso a alimentos esenciales. Estas historias revelan cómo las mujeres cubanas enfrentan no solo la batalla cotidiana por la supervivencia, sino también una lucha más profunda y silenciosa contra la violencia que se esconde tras la precariedad alimentaria.
Yuneisyc con treinta y cinco años lucha en medio de un sistema alimentario marcado por el desabastecimiento y la regulación estatal. Su familia depende de un solo salario, el de su esposo, quien trabaja como cuentapropista. A pesar de no ganar mal en comparación con las escalas salariales estatales, Yuneisy y su familia gastan el 107% de sus ingresos mensuales, unos 7500 pesos en moneda nacional, en alimentos. La búsqueda constante de alimentos la lleva a agromercados, al mercado negro y a tiendas virtuales en un proceso desgastante y frustrante. La situación alimentaria precaria afecta no solo la variedad de alimentos en la dieta de su familia sino también la salud de Yuneisy, aumentando sus problemas reumatológicos.
Rita, maestra de escuela primaria y embarazada, se enfrenta a desafíos similares. Diagnosticada con diabetes gestacional a las 16 semanas, Rita lucha por mantener un peso adecuado y una dieta balanceada. Sin acceso regular a alimentos esenciales como carne de res o pescado, se ve obligada a recurrir al mercado negro, donde los precios fluctúan abruptamente. La escasez de productos y las limitaciones presupuestarias generan un estrés adicional durante su embarazo, un periodo que ya está marcado por la presión constante de los médicos de la familia.
Tamara, con de 36 semanas de embarazo, experimenta problemas de bajo peso y anemia leve. Las consultas médicas, lejos de proporcionar orientación detallada sobre su dieta, se convierten en meros trámites. Su situación se complica por la falta intermitente de suplementos alimenticios y las dificultades para acceder a productos como carne de calidad y frutas. La inestabilidad en la oferta y la calidad de los alimentos normados agrega preocupaciones adicionales a su estado de ansiedad durante el embarazo.
Francisca de 55 años, lucha diariamente contra la devastadora crisis alimentaria en Cuba. Ama de casa, depende de una ayuda esporádica del exterior y ahorros que apenas llegan a los 4 mil pesos cubanos. Su salud se resiente, sometida a tratamientos psiquiátricos y estrés continuo.
La desesperación la lleva a vender pertenencias personales para comprar comida. La calidad de los productos estatales es deficiente, con precios elevados y adulteraciones. Los apagones y ciclones empeoran aún más la situación, llegando al extremo de pasar días sin comida.
La experiencia de Francisca, Tamara, Rita y Yuneisy son relatos de hambre y desesperanza. Mientras luchan por sobrevivir, enfrentan no solo la violencia alimentaria sino también la violencia de un sistema que ignora sus necesidades básicas. En un país donde la crisis afecta a todos, las mujeres como ellas son víctimas doblemente vulnerables.
Estas mujeres, en distintas etapas de sus vidas, enfrentan la violencia estructural de un sistema que limita su acceso a alimentos básicos. La escasez, los precios fluctuantes y la falta de variedad en la dieta afectan no solo su salud física sino también su bienestar emocional.
La violencia de género no solo afecta a las víctimas directas; es un costo para toda la sociedad. Su erradicación no solo depende de las acciones de unos pocos, sino de la voluntad colectiva de construir un mundo donde las mujeres vivan libres de miedo y opresión. En este Día de la Eliminación de la Violencia contra la Mujer, renovemos nuestro compromiso con la igualdad de género.
[1] https://www.foodmonitorprogram.org/entrevistas-mercado-negro-y-sobrevivencia
Read all the columns of Nastassja Rojas in the Food Monitor Program HERE