The crisis does not distinguish species

September 07, 2022
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that the historical context of creation of theOrganization
United Nationsdid not make it easy to expressly establish democracy as a universal ideal, over time, based on the International Bill of Human Rights[1],the organizationhas pointed out that democracy is precisely the condition that facilitates the effective exercise of Human Rights (DDHH).
Decades after the creation of the UN, the thenHuman rights commissionpointed out theessentials of democracy, pointing out the following conditions as essential: respect for human rights and freedoms; freedom of association; freedom of expression; access to power and its exercise in accordance with the rule of law; the holding of periodic, free and fair elections by universal suffrage and secret ballot; a pluralistic system of political parties and organizations; the separation of powers; the independence of the judiciary; transparency in public administration; and free and independent media.
Later, theHuman Rights Councilas successor to the Commission, he did the same, adopting different resolutions on the close relationship between the protection of human rights and democracy. Among them areresolutions like 19/36 and the 28/14 on "Human rights, democracy and the rule of law". The first indicates the relationship between the consolidation of democracy and respect for human rights and the second decides to create a forum on human rights, democracy and the rule of law to promote dialogue and cooperation (in the vote for the approval of both resolutions, Cuba abstained).
At the regional level theOrganization of American States (OAS)traced a similar path,expressly establishing that democracy was understood as a cornerstone of the Organizationand that a good part of its tasks would be aimed precisely at strengthening institutions and promoting good governance. This is recorded in theCharter of the Organization of American Statesand in later instruments.
Over time, the OAS established certain unified positions as an organization through doctrines, instruments, and specific bodies that sought to generate pressure in the face of possible ruptures in democracy and to complement the exercise of the State. Example of this, theBetancourt Doctrine(paradoxically promoted by Venezuela);the Inter-American Democratic Charterand, of course, theInter-American System for the Protection of Human Rightsmade up of the Commission and the Inter-American Court.
Considering the above, it isundeniable the relationship that exists between Democracy and Human Rights, it is impossible to imagine a context where, despite the absence of democratic institutions, human rights are guaranteed, much less universally and interdependently. That is why, on November 8, 2007,The United Nations General Assembly declared September 15 as the International Day of Democracy, as a way of directing the international community in this cause as a common value.
As we are close to the International Day of Democracy, it is relevant to put on the table that, despite all these efforts,we still find ourselves in the danger of relativizing democracy for particular political interests, sanctioning some breaches of the constitutional order and not others. And it is that the discourse based on the principle of non-intervention in internal affairs has been used with ideological interests, instrumentalizing it to prevent democratic countries from ruling on those violations that occur in friendly countries.
This is possibly one of the great impediments in the management of Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela.Regarding these countries, despite the advances of the OAS in previous decades, it is now impossible to consolidate a single voice in favor of the transition to democracy and to unanimously reject, without reservations, the systematic violation of Human Rights, even when there are clear records, substantive documentation and numerous testimonies.
Either for the interests of their own political projects or for economic interests,A good part of the countries of the region find it difficult to recognize that little or nothing remains of democracy in these cases.It seems not to be significant enough the more thanthousand political prisoners in Cubaand themore than two hundred detainees in Venezuela and Nicaragua; the more thaneighteen thousand extrajudicial executions in Venezuela; the closure of the media and theexile of more than ninety journalists in Nicaragua; theforced exiles of opponents in Cuba; among a long list of violations of human dignity in each of these countries.
Although it may seem like a controversial position,When it comes to defending Human Rights and democracy, it is not possible to be located in gray areas, values are not negotiated.It is necessary to review and renew the instruments designed for the protection and promotion of democracy, as well as the protection systems and their functionality against authoritarian regimes. Being necessary to bear in mind that dictatorships do not change their vocation and that part of the responsibility also falls on those who tacitly or expressly endorse the actions of these regimes.
In memory of democracy in Latin America.
[1]The set of documents made up of: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with its optional protocols; and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights with its optional protocols.
Read all the columns of Nastassja Rojas in the Food Monitor Program HERE