Resultados de la búsqueda

Los revendedores y el resto del mercado negro, presumen de un abastecimiento que burla al mercado estatal y no imponen ningún tipo de regulación de compra, con este pretexto imponen precios desorbitantes que no tiene control ni competencia... The abundance of scarcity For: German Quintero January 04, 2022 precariousness for the Cuban population. For December 31 of last year, the government distributed rum and cigarettes to the entire population, assuming that rum and cigarettes would alleviate the situation of discontent. The government did not take into account that an important part of the population, not only children and pregnant mothers, does not consume rum or cigarettes, either because they are not part of their consumption habits, or simply because the products are of poor quality. . These state courtesies, obtained in the warehouse through the Booklet, were resold at more than five times the value established by the regime. Last week, independent media denounced the fines imposed on citizens who wanted to resell products that they did not consume in order to complement a fragile basic basket, lacking eggs and milk, but full of cigarettes and poor quality rum. The year 2021 will be remembered as one of the most difficult for Cuban citizens in terms of consumption, after the Special Period. Tourism income and remittances were strongly affected by the tightening of some of the embargo measures, of the health measures to mitigate the pandemic and, above all, by the spectacular failure of the regime's administrative management, which since the implementation of the Ordering Task at the beginning of that year, where in addition to not promoting domestic production, unifying the Cuban peso with the CUC, promoting the MLC and ignoring the situation of the international market, it was unable to meet the import quota and implemented sufficient measures to maintain or increase internal production. Cuba's economic crisis and the scarcity of goods is largely due to this implementation, which also had the misfortune of coinciding with the rise in international prices of consumer goods and a spiral of prices that shot up and moved away out of reach many foods that were obtained in foreign currency. For the sample, a button: the levels of fishing -affirmed government officials- would not return to those of three decades ago . The fishing laws of 1996 and the most recent of 2020 still do not have the necessary tools to be able to bring fish to the tables of Cubans. How is it possible that on an island, which has not only the sea but also important river sources, it is not easy to procure fish? How is it explained that there is an overexploitation of fishing resources on the island, but there is a shortage of this food? According to official sources, the annual per capita consumption of fish was 16 kg; today it barely reaches 3.8 kg. In short, following official data, each person in Cuba eats about 300 grams of fish per month. This year's forecast is no better than 2021: Going into 2022, essential foods continue to be in short supply and the prices of inputs such as beef, pork, rice, milk, butter and beans are rising. The concern among the population is widespread: some people seek solutions through the rituals of "feeding the land" of the Santeros, while others prepare social mobilizations that echo the cries of "we are hungry" and "freedom" of the 11J demonstrations. Added to this is the massive migration of many of the political dissidents who have been forced to leave the country due to the pressures to which the political regime has subjected them. The panorama of economic crisis in Cuba and the consequent food crisis will be one of the greatest challenges to be faced for this year. The 13% drop in the Gross Domestic Product during 2020 and 2021, as well as the reduction in tourism issues, will be important burdens that will make a dent in the food supply. For now, ordinary Cubans will continue to have to trade rum and cigarettes for basic necessities. AND AND he year 2021 has ended with a situation of extreme 1/1 The article only came to make "official" a reality that  was already evident at the popular level, months ago self-employed workers have had difficulty accessing the purchase of wheat flour, for what bread and other derivatives  have become luxury products.  One of the main issues aired in street debates is the difficulty of mothers to provide their children  at least two loaves a day, one at breakfast  and another at snack time, an equation that is complicated for those who have more than one child at school age.  These  families, who usually supplemented the scarce supply of standardized bread, with what they could purchase through the network of state or private bakeries, have been limited  by the price increase. Today a bag of eight or ten loaves oscillates  between 180 and 350 cups without the supply remaining stable. Although the price in state bakeries is lower, the stability of the product is subject to scheduled power cuts and the supply of flour. In addition, the lines to buy this product   can reach up to five hours, an unthinkable time for people who have to comply with work hours. Teresa is an 80-year-old retiree, lives alone and ensures that her diet basically consists of bread and milk, two products that are currently difficult to access. Until recently, he bought bread at the bakery near his home, but  according to him, the queues have become  unbearable and some end up with the intervention of the police due to to violent fights. On some occasions, he waited for the resellers and bought the same bread for a slightly higher price, still affordable to his checkbook, however, with the shortages of the last few days and the inspectors' stalking, the price has skyrocketed and now he barely survives with the bread from the cellar. 1/1 One loaf a day was the minimum food that low-income people on the island could aspire to. It was also the rationality to which each member of the family nucleus “had the right”, which is popularly “played by the winery”. Since the monetary rearrangement policy, regulated bread ceased to be a product subsidized by the State and its price increased ten times, without this implying an improvement in quality. This condition has placed a wide range of population in greater vulnerability, increasingly deprived of economic resources. According to figures  revealed in the 2021 Statistical Yearbook, published  by the National Statistics Office  the number of beneficiaries and information (ONEI) of social assistance shot up in 2021 by 111% [two] , which means that more Cubans have joined the list of extreme poverty and completely depend on the State to survive.  This can be verified  when walking the streets of Havana , where the number of people begging in the doorways or "diving" in the garbage tanks in search of food and other necessary supplies is increasing. 1/1 The repeated power cuts that occur throughout the country show other damage caused by this energy crisis. Some time ago, the quality of the food that arrives at state outlets, smaller than normal, acidic or simply  absent, has further diminished. Although the issue is not new, the fuel crisis also affects the transfer to the points of sale, an action that is often carried out without the minimum hygienic-sanitary conditions, so the bread is transferred and stored in dirty spaces, exposed to insects. and humidity.    Contrasted with all this is the existence of a functional market that gains more space in the lives of those with relatives abroad. In online mode and offering a wide range of products that are scarce in the rest of the freely convertible currency (MLC) stores or in the almost extinct stores in Cuban pesos (CUP), there are hypermarkets such asSupermarket23 eitherMallHavana , where they offer a way to acquire quality bread, in the variety that the customer wants and without quantity limitations. Accessing these products on a regular basis is unthinkable for ordinary Cubans, however some self-employed workers, owners of paladares, restaurants or rental houses report that on occasions they have been forced to access this market in search of bread. as the only alternative to scarcity and to avoid having to close their businesses permanently. 1/1 Igualmente, las carnicerías, charcuterías, panaderías, dulcerías entre otros establecimientos particulares que son abastecidos con productos nacionales, y que también venden en pesos cubanos, se han convertido en lujos para los bolsillos de la mayoría de la población isleña. Los precios de la carne, el pescado, los lácteos, panes y galletas, dulces y otras producciones de pequeñas empresas y fincas pecuarias particulares, se ha vuelto una opción pagable solo para personas que manejan monedas extranjeras o ganan en MLC. A pesar de que estos productos son ofertados en pesos cubanos, sus valores son referentes al cambio que maneje el mercado informal sobre el dólar americano, el euro y el MLC, de forma tal que el acceso a productos de calidad y con cierta variedad queda fuera del alcance del sector cuya referencia de ganancia sea el peso cubano. 1/1 En conclusión, el desabastecimiento de la red estatal de venta alimentos, la racionalización de compra por cantidad y frecuencia, y la baja calidad de los productos que oferta, convierte al mercado negro, a los revendedores y a la red particular de producción en la única opción segura, variada y de calidad para la copra de alimentos de la población cubana. Esta red, que se rige por los valores oscilantes del USD en el mercado informal de monedas cubano y la taza reconocida por el gobierno, minimiza los salarios en pesos cubanos que el Estado cubano establece como “justos” a partir de los precios de sus ofertas fantasma en las tiendas en pesos. La red privada de venta de alimentos, en toda su variedad de naturalezas, devela la injusta y turbia gestión gubernamental de los recursos alimenticios que dispone. Mientras la escala salarial se define por ofertas que el Estado no es capaz de mantener, el mercad privado y el mercado en MLC es abastecido con variados productos alejados del alcance de los salarios en pesos cubanos, reforzando la inaccesibilidad de la población cubana a una alimentación regular, segura y sana. 1/1 [1] http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2022/10/26/el-pan-nuestro-ii-produccion-de-harina-en-molinos-cubanos-mercado-del-trigo-financiacion-y-factor- human/ [two] http://www.onei.gob.cu/node/18491 Read all of German Quintero's columns on the Food Monitor Program HERE

La seguridad alimentaria ha sido siempre uno de los objetivos más importantes en Cuba desde la revolución. A partir del año 2008 se convirtió en el objetivo más importante del gobierno... "We never leave anything without taking it out, everything is taken out here, everything is taken out, everything is taken out, nothing is left in the cellar here" HERE IS EVERYTHING Louis Thiemann, PhD candidate in development studies at the International Institute of Social Studies de la Erasmus University Rotterdam. He works on issues related to the political economy of food, class theory, among others... Who in your family usually does the shopping at the grocery store? Well, my husband does the shopping in my store, he's the one who goes every month to run errands. Do you buy other “controlled”, “regulated” or “regulated” products? for this system? Through this supply book system, we buy products from the warehouse and once a month in the local currency store, which used to be in CUC, now in national currency, we buy chicken, detergent and oil; that's the same for the notebook there once a month. What products from the supply book do you consume most frequently? Do you leave any without removing in the month? From the basic food basket, what we consume the most is rice and beans, and we never leave anything untaken, everything is taken out here, everything is taken out, everything is taken out, nothing is left in the cellar here. Nothing is going to be returned to the State here, in short, that does not return to the State, but hey, you and I know how things are, here nothing is left anywhere, everything for your house. How much of your formal income does the monthly purchase of the products in the notebook represent? Do you consider that your ability to acquire them has been affected since the monetary reform? This monthly purchase of products from the supply book represents 6% of our income. And, I do consider that my purchasing power has been affected since the monetary reform, before with less than 100 pesos we used to buy 3 people's errands here, now we need more than 400 pesos. How many days of the month would you say that the basic products of the notebook are enough for the family? We could say that these products last approximately 12 days, that is, they are enough for me for 12 days, an average more or less 12, 15. In my case, the rice lasts for me at the end of the month, because we do not consume that much rice, or be the children eat little rice. Here the one who eats the most is Jose and he doesn't have lunch here, since he works he has lunch at his job. But hey, the beans last a week, the coffee more or less 15 days, because I don't strain in the afternoon, I just do it in the morning, it lasts a little longer for me, there are those who last less. The chicken is 2 to 3 meals, if you distribute it in portions, here the chicken is divided into portions, and well, you distribute it and well, more or less you get 2 to 3 meals. The picadillo per child is enough for 1 meal, the oil for 10 to 12 days because that doesn't last any longer, and it lasts for me from 10 to 12 days, because I don't get cold that much, because Jose doesn't eat fried foods, because we take care of ourselves, because I try not to eat excess fat, anyway, but there are those who don't get it after 12 days, at least it gets to me, but there are those who don't. Does any member of your family receive a special diet? Table 1: Annual harvest before and during the current crisis, in thousands of tons. Source: ONEI, Statistical Yearbook 2020. Why do food distribution difficulties persist in warehouses? For certain products (for example, rice and meat) the collapse in production during the last 3-4 years is certainly a significant factor in stopping delays in the distribution of some of the items in the booklet. Most of the book's products, however, are imported, so their distribution depends on a centralized chain of activities rather than the “self-organized chaos” behind the societal markets. without inside information it is difficult to say at which particular point the distribution chain breaks.  Although Cuba can buy food from anywhere in the world - including the US - Cuban state companies do not honor payments for orders they have already received, so many of its trading partners prefer receive cash payment in advance. Since the flow of money and oil received from Venezuela has decreased from its highest point between 2013 and 2014, and since the crisis generated by the pandemic collapsed the tourism sector and the receipt of remittances, the Cuban state will surely It is having cash flow problems, which means that there are fewer imports and that the supply of food from abroad is more erratic. This particularly affects the supply of the notebook. Once the products arrive at the port, the next big difficulty is in the transportation infrastructure. There are often malfunctions in key processing structures (such as the wheat mills in Havana), AND storage capacities are often insufficient, especially for perishables. the emblematic example of this year is that even the paper on which the notebooks are printed did not arrive on time. Finally, the low wages paid throughout the food distribution system generate a series of significant “losses” as warehouse and transportation workers, as well as storekeepers, “take their share”._cc781905-5cde-3194-bb3b- 136bad5cf58d_ Regardless of whether we believe that this “spontaneous privatization” is legitimate or not, we must recognize that few workers would continue to go to their jobs every morning if they only obtained their salaries and legal incentives. According to estimates made by Carmelo Mesa-Lago, real wages in 2019 were still less than half the 1989 level and have surely fallen considerably given inflation that has outpaced wage increases during 2020-1.  In structural terms, it is necessary to observe the poor state of the food distribution system used by the MINCIN between stores and warehouses – in other words, the state food system in Cuban pesos-. The difference between supermarkets and stores could not be more striking, and not only in terms of food. The refrigeration units, information technology and secure warehouses required to make the work carried out by MINCIN more efficient have been massively acquired to supply MINFAR supermarkets. This difference is also evident in the human resources sector. How has the monetary union affected access to food by purchase for Cuban citizens? The key question has to do with whether inflation has outpaced wage increases or whether wages have managed to outpace inflation. ONEI data indicates that State salaries increased from 1,200 Cuban pesos (CUP) in 2020 to 3,934 Cup in 2021 – an increase of 228%. Inflation has grown faster, although in a different way for certain products (including many of the foods produced by small producers) whose prices have increased between 2 and 3 times, while others (such as electricity rates and inputs agricultural) have increased up to 20 times their value. The value of remittances, on the other hand, has remained stable – a momentous reshuffling of purchasing power between households that have members in the Diaspora and those that do not. In this particular matter, the current crisis that has its causes in several factors that include, but should not be reduced to, COVID 19, has a substantial difference compared to the "Special Period": Cuba's food system receives several billion dollars (USD) in remittances annually, but access to food has become much more inequitable in a short period of time. The biggest problem, from my point of view, is that the changes in monetary policy have not managed to solve the problem towards which they were directed:  the double exchange rate that privileges some economic actors . State companies that have access to the official exchange rate of 1:24 still have access to dollars at a much lower price than what private citizens and companies could get, who by January 2022 paid between 80-85 per dollar at the rate of casual change. Many producers perceive the dual currency system to be a greater inhibitor today than it was two or five years ago, given the increasing amount of inputs they must buy in MLC, while still selling in CUP. Which is the reason  fundamental of food distribution in Cuba at the territorial level? Why is there a relative scarcity of certain products at the territorial level? What is the justification for the unequal provision of food for the tourism sector and the population in general? Tourism, of course, is a sector in which Cuba competes directly with other destinations and the fact that tourists eat better than Cubans is only the problem. The problem also persists when tourists return to their places of origin and return to the abundance of their supermarkets. In relation to food consumption, however, tourists represent a very small part. In 2019, only one in 130 people in Cuba was a tourist. Tourists may have consumed large amounts of lobster, aged rum, and meat (although most of these items were consumed by Cuba's upper-middle and upper-middle classes) but this does not explain food shortages in other settings. When producers are allowed to sell in the tourism sector, they use these profits to secure their investments in the land and are able to maintain their production for sale on the local market. The Cuban case is usually treated with a certain exceptionalism, but I think it makes sense to think of this case as "another case" in the Global South. Chronic food shortages in many poor countries and the Cuban economy has declined to the point where it fits that description. In fact, if Cuba had not lost a significant part of the population due to desperate emigration, producing a diaspora that – surprisingly – could be located in the richest countries, the quantity and quality of food that Cuba could import would be much less. As in other countries, study access to food:  why is it available to some and not to others, why do some have to wait days in line while others can purchase the same products through of a credit card and three clicks requires inquiring about power relations and the dynamics that exist between capitalism and the State. Despite what we believe, Cuba is not very different compared to other countries in this regard. What are the similarities of the current situation of food crisis in Cuba with those presented during the Special Period? What position does the State assume in the way it handles food crises? As previously stated, today there is much more foreign currency in Cuba than 30 years ago, and there are more economic subsystems that process this (inequitable) flow of currency aimed at obtaining food and other goods, as well as profits, salaries and taxes. Similarly, there is now more food (and of better quality) than in the 1994-1996 period, despite the fact that import and export volumes have fallen since 2014 and that domestic production has largely stagnated since late 1990s. The state's position, however, has changed drastically. In the 1990s, the state focused mainly on the “paternal responsibilities” it had accumulated since the Soviet era, and to a certain extent allowed the population to fend for itself by tolerating what we might call “productive illegalities” that were committed in order to produce food: from raising pigs in bathtubs to the existence of a large black market that encouraged food production and distribution in the countryside. Currently, the State seeks to focus on two contradictory objectives at the same time: On the one hand, its paternal façade, which seeks to alleviate the greatest crises of scarcity and inequities through rations. On the other hand, a business machine - or, rather, corporate - that profits from scarcity by selling food at high prices - both "at the door" for commercial establishments, and in the "back room" for the black market. We have to remember that most of the imported food that appears on the black market (accentuating its absence in stores) also originates from state companies. Many observations can be made in relation to this complex situation. A novel element that struck me personally is the way in which the new online food sales platforms (military or private companies that sell food held in Cuban warehouses, or even food that is about to arrive imported from the United States) take advantage of the experience of scarcity and malnutrition in their advertising. The promotional emails I receive urge me to "Buy imported food and take my family's face [of finding it in Cuba]", "Don't miss the opportunity to buy imported food that now guarantees breakfasts, lunches, snacks and desserts in Cuba”, “Buy now and guarantee Christmas and New Year dinner for your loved ones, before it is too late” and so on – this is a new, and I think controversial, dimension of how the crisis is unfolding and the way in which the State manages it. I assume this controversy will continue to be a crucial point of political contention for years to come: the way the post-socialist state justifies the costs of maintaining powerful economic monopolies – in the public interest – if it uses them for its own benefit. , mixing social objectives with corporate profits. Read all interviews on Food Monitor Program HERE

"They gave a module whose origin I do not know, that was immediately after the July 11 demonstrations." Everything is so expensive that the subsidy is a relief Leandro Fernández is 39 years old, lives with his partner, his father Who in your family usually does the shopping at the grocery store? We have hired someone who does the courier service for us. He is a self-employed neighbor who provides this service. Do you buy other “controlled”, “regulated” or “regulated” products by this system? We received a donation module that they delivered. Outside of that, we look for everything in MLC stores or in buy-sell groups on social networks. What products from the supply book do you consume most frequently? Do you leave any without removing in the month? The products that we consume the most are rice, eggs, oil. I don't normally take out the soy mincemeat and the like. How much of your formal income does the monthly purchase of the products in the notebook represent? Do you consider that your ability to acquire them has been affected since the monetary reform? My income is irregular because it depends on the management I do, I am self-employed. Even so, I am not affected by the cost of regulated products, but the majority of the country is affected a lot, especially pensioners, elderly people. Even so, I am not affected by the cost of regulated products, but the majority of the country is affected a lot, especially pensioners, elderly people. How many days of the month would you say that the basic products of the notebook are enough for the family? I would say between a week and 10 days approximately. Do you exchange, buy, resell or give away any of the products assigned to you? Usually not. Do you think that the family diet could survive without the notebook? If they delivered more released products, do you think you could pay for them with your income and that it would be a positive change or would you prefer more subsidies? It depends on the people who make up the nucleus. If there are elderly people or children it is impossible to survive without the passbook since most of the month you have to buy products on the street and they are so expensive that buying them subsidized is a relief, example: toilet paper cost 20 CUP, now in the market black costs from 120 to 150 CUP. If there are elderly people or children, it is impossible to survive without the book, since most of the month you have to buy the products on the street and they are so expensive that buying them subsidized is a relief Do you consider that the products assigned by the supply book condition the way you prepare food? In my case, I don't think it conditions the cooking of the food I eat. Have you received any donation or external product at subsidized prices during the Covid19 period for the passbook? Can you describe it, as well as its origin? They gave a module whose origin I do not know, that was immediately after the July 11 demonstrations. The content varied from region to region. We receive rice, lentils, pasta, oil. Some people were given milk, others wheat flour, or chicken. Read all interviews on Food Monitor Program HERE

Visitamos familias en las 15 provincias de Cuba para conocer sus formas de vida en torno a la alimentación y recogimos fotos para comparar las experiencias con la comida con el fin de evidenciar que el hambre no se ha erradicado y hay profundas desigualdades en el acceso a la alimentación. LA ACERA DE ENFRENTE Recorrido fotográfico por la segración alimentaria en Cuba 2022 2023 2024

Descubre nuestra Declaración de principios y líneas de acción de Food Monitor Program: Control político-social y derecho a la alimentación. Para más información: contacto@foomonitorprogram.org · Facebook · Twitter · Instagram. "Hunger perpetuates poverty by preventing people from developing their potential and contributing to the progress of their society." Kofi Annan, 2002 Declaration of principles and lines of action of the Food Monitor Program: Political-social control and the right to food 00:00 / 07:26 recognizing that the restriction of Civil and Political Rights and the instrumentalization of social and economic rights is one of the common ways of sustaining authoritarian regimes ; Considering that food shortage has been an opportunity to exercise political and social control by authoritarian regimes at different times in history and in equal measure by leftist and rightist regimes; Bearing in mind that the Cuban population has been affected by the deficient inputs for production, the statist control in the forms of food preparation , the precarious forms of distribution and the shortage of basic elements; Noting that in Cuba, access to basic goods is a complex task Because the State exercises control over the importation of basic goods from the basket, it maintains a tariff regime that doubles the price of inputs, among other arbitrary measures ; Emphasizing that The official narrative has used the economic sanctions of the United States to justify shortages , the breach of promises to citizens and the violation of human rights , through the dogma of the "blockade", which even when it has had an impact on Cuban civil society , it is not the fundamental reason for the economic imbalance, the lack of social opportunities and the political persecution ; Appreciating that civil society organizations independent they have made enormous efforts to guarantee access to food for special protection groups such as the elderly; highlighting that the people who were part of the historical generation and believed in the revolutionary process, are today one of the main affected due to shortages and access to quality food, due to the low purchasing power of pensioners and the queues to access food ; Given that access to food is guaranteed by the State through the ration book, which is insufficient in both variety and quantity to complete the diet of the month; Understanding that access to regulated food requires sacrifice of one or several members of the family who, through waiting, pay with their time the subsidy provided by the State; accepting that access to food calls for additional strategies by Cuban families who are forced to go to the black market to obtain goods that do not exist in the official distribution networks; The initiative to create the Food Monitor Program, responsible for showing that the right to food has been used as an instrument of domination in Cuba since the incorporation of the supply book in March 1962. It is assumed that the greater intervention of the State-Party eliminated the power of agency of the citizens, transformed their food practices, controlled their time and managed their private life . The promise of guaranteeing social and economic rights such as food was paid for with the subtraction of civil and political rights. Cuba is an emblematic case in the matter, not only because it was recognized by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations -FAO- for having eradicated hunger, but also because it has expanded its model of food sovereignty to other countries such as Venezuela. Food Monitor Program aims to deconstruct the myth of food sovereignty in Cuba, dismantling the justifications for the blockade and evidencing its political instrumentalization, it also hopes to serve as a reference to prevent these models from continuing to be promoted in the region and serve as a way to dismantle democracy. and the rule of law. Thus, the principles on which the Food Monitor Program is founded are: 1. Food security and the right to food. Food security is based on four dimensions: 1. the physical availability of food; 2. economic and physical access to food; 3. food utilization; and 4. the stability over time of the first three dimensions. Therefore, any strategy aimed at guaranteeing the population's food supply that does not include the four dimensions of food security is understood to pursue goals other than those related to the right to food. 2. Interdependence of Human Rights. Taking into account the indivisibility and interdependence of Human Rights, it is understood that there is no hierarchy between them, nor can their violation be considered separately. In this sense, the instrumentalization of social and economic rights, such as the right to food, not only threatens this in particular but also undermines the integrality of the human being. 3. Exercise of freedoms as an intrinsic value of democracy. Any strategy developed by the State to guarantee access and availability of food must be based on the freedom of citizens to choose according to their preferences, so that social assistance strategies must be accompanied by competitive markets and stable production systems that guarantee affordable prices and permanent availability of food for the entire population. And the lines of action on which the activities of the Food Monitor Program are developed are: 1. Monitor the conditions of access, availability, use and stability of food in the different provinces of Cuba. 2. Analyze gender roles in the search, preparation and distribution of food within Cuban homes. 3. Determine the forms of social control that operate in the distribution and purchase of food in Cuba. 4. Expose the violation of rights that occurs in the Cuban context as a result of the food policy developed by the Cuban regime. 5. Establish relationships between the food practices of Cubans and the conditions of precariousness and crisis caused by the Cuban regime. 6. Characterize the various social representations around food and its role in the construction of food identity in Cuba.

Espacios INTIMOS kitchen.jpg Gutiérrez Family (Havana) -$4250 CUP/month dining room.jpg Gutiérrez Family (Havana) -$4250 CUP/month Plateau Gutiérrez Family (Havana) -$4250 CUP/month Dinning room Martinez Family (Havana) +$9660 CUP/month Kitchen Martinez Family (Havana) +$9660 CUP/month Plateau Martinez Family (Havana) +$9660 CUP/month Kitchen Toledo Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Dinning room Toledo Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Plateau Toledo Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Kitchen Sánchez family (Havana) $4250-9660 CUP/month family dining room Sánchez family (Havana) $4250-9660 CUP/month Plateau Sánchez family (Havana) $4250-9660 CUP/month Kitchen Perez Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month Kitchen Perez Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month family dining room Perez Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month Plateau Perez Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month Yard Perez Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month Yard Moreno Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Courtyard Moreno Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Plateau Moreno Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Kitchen Moreno Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Dinning room Moreno Family (Villa Clara) $4250-9660 CUP/month Kitchen Mesa Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month Dinning room Mesa Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month plateaus Mesa Family (Cienfuegos) +$9660 CUP/month

Grade. Routes for justiciability of Human Rights Food Monitor Program presented the course titled "Routes for the justiciability of Human Rights" . The course was held on July 11, 12, 13 and 14 from 8:00 a.m. to 11:00 p.m. (Cuba) Todos los videos... Play Video Play Video 02:20:09 Sesión de Bienvenida e Introducción - Curso de Rutas para justiciabilidad de los derechos humanos . Presentamos nuestro curso “Rutas para la justiciabilidad de los #DerechosHumanos” orientado por nuestra investigadora Nastassja Rojas. Play Video Play Video 02:46:31 Sesión 2. Curso - Rutas “Rutas para la justiciabilidad de los DerechosHumanos Segundo día de nuestro curso “Rutas para la justiciabilidad de los #DerechosHumanos” donde se busca responder ¿En que consiste el Derecho Internacional Público? y ¿A qué hace referencia la judicialización de los Derechos Humanos? Play Video Play Video 02:45:37 Sesión 3. Curso - Rutas “Rutas para la justiciabilidad de los DerechosHumanos Tercer día de nuestro curso “Rutas para la justiciabilidad de los #DerechosHumanos” donde se busca responder ¿Qué es el Sistema Universal de Derechos Humanos? y ¿En qué consiste el Examen Periódico Universal (EPU)? Play Video Play Video 02:51:33 Sesión 4. Curso - Rutas “Rutas para la justiciabilidad de los DerechosHumanos Último día de nuestro curso “Rutas para la justiciabilidad de los #DerechosHumanos” donde se busca responder ¿Qué es y cómo acceder al Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos?

Ante la compleja situación alimentaria y sociopolítica que atraviesa el país, a nivel local se han implementado una serie de medidas de carácter especial, que comprenden la micro asignación de recursos como mecanismo de control y contención del descontento social... The abundance of scarcity For: German Quintero January 04, 2022 precariousness for the Cuban population. For December 31 of last year, the government distributed rum and cigarettes to the entire population, assuming that rum and cigarettes would alleviate the situation of discontent. The government did not take into account that an important part of the population, not only children and pregnant mothers, does not consume rum or cigarettes, either because they are not part of their consumption habits, or simply because the products are of poor quality. . These state courtesies, obtained in the warehouse through the Booklet, were resold at more than five times the value established by the regime. Last week, independent media denounced the fines imposed on citizens who wanted to resell products that they did not consume in order to complement a fragile basic basket, lacking eggs and milk, but full of cigarettes and poor quality rum. The year 2021 will be remembered as one of the most difficult for Cuban citizens in terms of consumption, after the Special Period. Tourism income and remittances were strongly affected by the tightening of some of the embargo measures, of the health measures to mitigate the pandemic and, above all, by the spectacular failure of the regime's administrative management, which since the implementation of the Ordering Task at the beginning of that year, where in addition to not promoting domestic production, unifying the Cuban peso with the CUC, promoting the MLC and ignoring the situation of the international market, it was unable to meet the import quota and implemented sufficient measures to maintain or increase internal production. Cuba's economic crisis and the scarcity of goods is largely due to this implementation, which also had the misfortune of coinciding with the rise in international prices of consumer goods and a spiral of prices that shot up and moved away out of reach many foods that were obtained in foreign currency. For the sample, a button: the levels of fishing -affirmed government officials- would not return to those of three decades ago . The fishing laws of 1996 and the most recent of 2020 still do not have the necessary tools to be able to bring fish to the tables of Cubans. How is it possible that on an island, which has not only the sea but also important river sources, it is not easy to procure fish? How is it explained that there is an overexploitation of fishing resources on the island, but there is a shortage of this food? According to official sources, the annual per capita consumption of fish was 16 kg; today it barely reaches 3.8 kg. In short, following official data, each person in Cuba eats about 300 grams of fish per month. This year's forecast is no better than 2021: Going into 2022, essential foods continue to be in short supply and the prices of inputs such as beef, pork, rice, milk, butter and beans are rising. The concern among the population is widespread: some people seek solutions through the rituals of "feeding the land" of the Santeros, while others prepare social mobilizations that echo the cries of "we are hungry" and "freedom" of the 11J demonstrations. Added to this is the massive migration of many of the political dissidents who have been forced to leave the country due to the pressures to which the political regime has subjected them. The panorama of economic crisis in Cuba and the consequent food crisis will be one of the greatest challenges to be faced for this year. The 13% drop in the Gross Domestic Product during 2020 and 2021, as well as the reduction in tourism issues, will be important burdens that will make a dent in the food supply. For now, ordinary Cubans will continue to have to trade rum and cigarettes for basic necessities. AND AND he year 2021 has ended with a situation of extreme 1/1 The article only came to make "official" a reality that  was already evident at the popular level, months ago self-employed workers have had difficulty accessing the purchase of wheat flour, for what bread and other derivatives  have become luxury products.  One of the main issues aired in street debates is the difficulty of mothers to provide their children  at least two loaves a day, one at breakfast  and another at snack time, an equation that is complicated for those who have more than one child at school age.  These  families, who usually supplemented the scarce supply of standardized bread, with what they could purchase through the network of state or private bakeries, have been limited  by the price increase. Today a bag of eight or ten loaves oscillates  between 180 and 350 cups without the supply remaining stable. Although the price in state bakeries is lower, the stability of the product is subject to scheduled power cuts and the supply of flour. In addition, the lines to buy this product   can reach up to five hours, an unthinkable time for people who have to comply with work hours. Teresa is an 80-year-old retiree, lives alone and ensures that her diet basically consists of bread and milk, two products that are currently difficult to access. Until recently, he bought bread at the bakery near his home, but  according to him, the queues have become  unbearable and some end up with the intervention of the police due to to violent fights. On some occasions, he waited for the resellers and bought the same bread for a slightly higher price, still affordable to his checkbook, however, with the shortages of the last few days and the inspectors' stalking, the price has skyrocketed and now he barely survives with the bread from the cellar. 1/1 One loaf a day was the minimum food that low-income people on the island could aspire to. It was also the rationality to which each member of the family nucleus “had the right”, which is popularly “played by the winery”. Since the monetary rearrangement policy, regulated bread ceased to be a product subsidized by the State and its price increased ten times, without this implying an improvement in quality. This condition has placed a wide range of population in greater vulnerability, increasingly deprived of economic resources. According to figures  revealed in the 2021 Statistical Yearbook, published  by the National Statistics Office  the number of beneficiaries and information (ONEI) of social assistance shot up in 2021 by 111% [two] , which means that more Cubans have joined the list of extreme poverty and completely depend on the State to survive.  This can be verified  when walking the streets of Havana , where the number of people begging in the doorways or "diving" in the garbage tanks in search of food and other necessary supplies is increasing. 1/1 The repeated power cuts that occur throughout the country show other damage caused by this energy crisis. Some time ago, the quality of the food that arrives at state outlets, smaller than normal, acidic or simply  absent, has further diminished. Although the issue is not new, the fuel crisis also affects the transfer to the points of sale, an action that is often carried out without the minimum hygienic-sanitary conditions, so the bread is transferred and stored in dirty spaces, exposed to insects. and humidity.    Contrasted with all this is the existence of a functional market that gains more space in the lives of those with relatives abroad. In online mode and offering a wide range of products that are scarce in the rest of the freely convertible currency (MLC) stores or in the almost extinct stores in Cuban pesos (CUP), there are hypermarkets such asSupermarket23 eitherMallHavana , where they offer a way to acquire quality bread, in the variety that the customer wants and without quantity limitations. Accessing these products on a regular basis is unthinkable for ordinary Cubans, however some self-employed workers, owners of paladares, restaurants or rental houses report that on occasions they have been forced to access this market in search of bread. as the only alternative to scarcity and to avoid having to close their businesses permanently. 1/1 [1] http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2022/10/26/el-pan-nuestro-ii-produccion-de-harina-en-molinos-cubanos-mercado-del-trigo-financiacion-y-factor- human/ [two] http://www.onei.gob.cu/node/18491 Read all of German Quintero's columns on the Food Monitor Program HERE

From “material stimulus” to “food blackmail” For: claudia gonzalez January 18, 2022 00:00 / 04:13 D D ince the 1960s there has been discussion in Cuba about the relevance of labor stimulation. Initially, it was committed to the validity within Marxism, of accounting autonomy, self-financing and the system of material incentives. A staunch critic of this trend was Ernesto Guevara, who strongly discouraged the use of methods that he considered inherited from the past. Instead, Guevara promoted moral encouragement, the mere satisfaction of duty fulfilled before the construction of Socialism. The ethical value of the stimulus was circumscribed in the rigorous and trench atmosphere, which called for exemplary production, for the sake of "decisive effort". After the failure of the Ten Million Zafra, however, the Soviet system was adopted, which already used binding calculations between workers' remuneration and the quantity and quality of their work . First it was the delivery of Soviet-made household appliances (TVs, fans, irons), then Chinese (like bicycles in the 1990s). From the trade with the ALBA governments and, above all, from the export of medical, technical and sports services, the labor stimulus consisted of a percent of what the workplace earned in foreign currency. These incentives were not granted to all positions, but depended on the capacities of each ministry. In this way, they had more presence in those self-funded centers that generated profits (from the production or export of products and services), as well as in "strategic" centers linked to the upper echelons of the Communist Party of Cuba and the Government. In recent years, however, we have seen the gradual disappearance of material products, for others of food, consisting of chicken boxes, sausages, eggs or cooking oil, among other basic consumer products. Food is nowadays the most common stimuli to reward the work of the state worker, especially among medical, technical, sports personnel, etc. For example, Cuban athletes who received decorations at the Pan American qualifying event, held in Guadalajara, Mexico in 2021, were received in Cuba by representatives of the local government, with food combos that included cakes, cooking oil, sausages and vegetables. . If the stimuli are actions to promote the potential of the individual, food deliveries in Cuba have been the slow transition towards the impoverishment of this social mechanism, to the point of being almost a government survival device. The food has happened like this, to try to fit a salary system that does not fulfill the role that it responds to; Due to the real value of its content, it would be, perhaps, closer to the conception of the Guevarian moral stimulus. So, if the stimuli are intended to raise the worker's self-esteem, it is unfortunate that basic consumer products are proposed as such, and are even desired by their recipients. At a time of chronic shortages, the partial state delivery of food also creates an important social differentiation for citizens who are prevented from this access. The government is aware of the existing food insecurity, and part of this to control and condition militancy in key sectors "stimulating" with products that should be common, daily to all its citizens. one one https://www.infobae.com/america/america-latina/2021/08/11/el-humiliating-premio-de-la-dictadura-cubana-a-una-joven-promesa-del-boxeo-tras- win-a-tournament-in-mexico/ Read all the columns of Claudia González in Food Monitor Program HERE

The abundance of scarcity For: German Quintero January 04, 2022 00:00 / 04:40 precariousness for the Cuban population. For December 31 of last year, the government distributed rum and cigarettes to the entire population, assuming that rum and cigarettes would alleviate the situation of discontent. The government did not take into account that an important part of the population, not only children and pregnant mothers, does not consume rum or cigarettes, either because they are not part of their consumption habits, or simply because the products are of poor quality. . These state courtesies, obtained in the warehouse through the Booklet, were resold at more than five times the value established by the regime. Last week, independent media denounced the fines imposed on citizens who wanted to resell products that they did not consume in order to complement a fragile basic basket, lacking eggs and milk, but full of cigarettes and poor quality rum. The year 2021 will be remembered as one of the most difficult for Cuban citizens in terms of consumption, after the Special Period. Tourism income and remittances were strongly affected by the tightening of some of the embargo measures, of the health measures to mitigate the pandemic and, above all, by the spectacular failure of the regime's administrative management, which since the implementation of the Ordering Task at the beginning of that year, where in addition to not promoting domestic production, unifying the Cuban peso with the CUC, promoting the MLC and ignoring the situation of the international market, it was unable to meet the import quota and implemented sufficient measures to maintain or increase internal production. Cuba's economic crisis and the scarcity of goods is largely due to this implementation, which also had the misfortune of coinciding with the rise in international prices of consumer goods and a spiral of prices that shot up and moved away out of reach many foods that were obtained in foreign currency. For the sample, a button: the levels of fishing -affirmed government officials- would not return to those of three decades ago . The fishing laws of 1996 and the most recent of 2020 still do not have the necessary tools to be able to bring fish to the tables of Cubans. How is it possible that on an island, which has not only the sea but also important river sources, it is not easy to procure fish? How is it explained that there is an overexploitation of fishing resources on the island, but there is a shortage of this food? According to official sources, the annual per capita consumption of fish was 16 kg; today it barely reaches 3.8 kg. In short, following official data, each person in Cuba eats about 300 grams of fish per month. This year's forecast is no better than 2021: Going into 2022, essential foods continue to be in short supply and the prices of inputs such as beef, pork, rice, milk, butter and beans are rising. The concern among the population is widespread: some people seek solutions through the rituals of "feeding the land" of the Santeros, while others prepare social mobilizations that echo the cries of "we are hungry" and "freedom" of the 11J demonstrations. Added to this is the massive migration of many of the political dissidents who have been forced to leave the country due to the pressures to which the political regime has subjected them. The panorama of economic crisis in Cuba and the consequent food crisis will be one of the greatest challenges to be faced for this year. The 13% drop in the Gross Domestic Product during 2020 and 2021, as well as the reduction in tourism issues, will be important burdens that will make a dent in the food supply. For now, ordinary Cubans will continue to have to trade rum and cigarettes for basic necessities. AND AND he year 2021 has ended with a situation of extreme Read all of German Quintero's columns on the Food Monitor Program HERE

Nota de PRENSA Nota de prensa N° 1 - Food Monitor Program Debido a la falta de libretas de abastecimiento, el Ministerio de Comercio Interior anuncia medidas para la anotación de productos alimenticios en los meses de enero y febrero de 2023 03 de enero de 2023 English Version Versión en español El Ministerio de Comercio Interior (MINCIN), por medio del envío de un documento oficial, anunció el pasado 26 de diciembre de 2022 que debido al “atraso en la fabricación por la industria de Libretas de control de productos alimenticios” no será posible entregar las libretas de abastecimiento en ocho de las dieciséis provincias de Cuba. Las provincias totalmente afectadas serán Mayabeque, Villa Clara, Cienfuegos, Sancti Spíritus, Ciego de Ávila y Granma, mientras que habrá afectación parcial en las provincias de La Habana, Pinar del Río y Santiago de Cuba. El documento enviado a “Directores Estatales de Comercio y Directores de los Grupos Empresariales” de las provincias anteriormente mencionadas, informa que, debido al atraso en la producción de libretas, se establece un procedimiento “transitorio” de anotación de los productos de la canasta básica familiar normada. Se explica, además, que este atraso se debe a “las limitaciones financieras que provocaron atrasos en la importación de materia prima para la confección de las libretas” y que ello condujo a “atrasos significativos” en la producción y distribución de las libretas de abastecimiento para el año 2023. Como en el año pasado , las anotaciones del año 2023 se realizarán en las libretas de 2022. El uso de la libreta de 2022, según este procedimiento, será ajustado para anotar en otras páginas los productos del nuevo año. En la casilla derecha de la página 11 se realizará la anotación de los productos secos, cárnicos y leche de la canasta familiar normada, reflejando el nombre del producto en la columna ‘cantidad’ y en la columna ‘fecha’ la cantidad del producto que se recibe por el total de consumidores del núcleo. En la página 19 se anotará el pan marcando la cantidad y la fecha. Los combustibles se anotarán en la misma página 2, aclarando la fecha y la cantidad. Al igual que con los combustibles, las dietas médicas del 2023 se anotarán en la página correspondiente. Para el Gas Licuado del Petróleo (GLP), que es una de las fuentes de energía para la preparación de alimentos, será validada por medio de los vales de venta que se emiten en la fecha de adquisición. En el último apartado del procedimiento, el MINCIN indica que los distribuidores serán los encargados de hacer la actualización de las libretas antes del 30 de marzo de 2023. FMP llama la atención sobre la persistencia en las condiciones de desabastecimiento de “materias primas” que se han justificado como “problemas financieros” durante los años 2021 y 2022. En el primer caso, la justificación del desabastecimiento se debía a la falta de insumos, producida por la situación económica en pandemia; en el último por causa del “bloqueo”. Esta situación terminará por afectar, nuevamente, a los consumidores de los productos básicos de la canasta familia, quienes tras la Tarea Ordenamiento y la escasez profunda de alimentos se han visto cada vez más dependientes del documento de racionamiento. En esta ecuación, la mayoría de la población con menor capacidad adquisitiva, sin fuentes de ingreso por remesas ni acceso a moneda MLC se ubicará en condiciones de vulnerabilidad serias. FMP continúa advirtiendo sobre las graves consecuencias que tiene este tipo de situaciones a la hora de garantizar un debido derecho a la alimentación de la población en Cuba.

Manténgase informado con los últimos artículos académicos publicados por Food Monitor Program ARTÍCULOS A C A D É M I C O S Ver más> Impact of the Multifactorial Crisis on Food Security, Care, and Quality of Life of Older People in Cuba Por: Claudia Gonzále z - Elaine Acosto En: Oxford Academy Ver más> Conditional Freedoms: Non-State Labour in Cuba between Institutional Delegitimisation and Civic Recognition Por: Louis Thiemann - Claudia Gonzále z En: Cambridge University Press