Manténgase informado con los últimos artículos académicos publicados por Food Monitor Program ARTÍCULOS A C A D É M I C O S Ver más> Impact of the Multifactorial Crisis on Food Security, Care, and Quality of Life of Older People in Cuba Por: Claudia Gonzále z - Elaine Acosto En: Oxford Academy

Descubre nuestra Declaración de principios y líneas de acción de Food Monitor Program: Control político-social y derecho a la alimentación. Para más información: contacto@foomonitorprogram.org · Facebook · Twitter · Instagram. "Hunger perpetuates poverty by preventing people from developing their potential and contributing to the progress of their society." Kofi Annan, 2002 Declaration of principles and lines of action of the Food Monitor Program: Political-social control and the right to food 00:00 / 07:26 recognizing that the restriction of Civil and Political Rights and the instrumentalization of social and economic rights is one of the common ways of sustaining authoritarian regimes ; Considering that food shortage has been an opportunity to exercise political and social control by authoritarian regimes at different times in history and in equal measure by leftist and rightist regimes; Bearing in mind that the Cuban population has been affected by the deficient inputs for production, the statist control in the forms of food preparation , the precarious forms of distribution and the shortage of basic elements; Noting that in Cuba, access to basic goods is a complex task Because the State exercises control over the importation of basic goods from the basket, it maintains a tariff regime that doubles the price of inputs, among other arbitrary measures ; Emphasizing that The official narrative has used the economic sanctions of the United States to justify shortages , the breach of promises to citizens and the violation of human rights , through the dogma of the "blockade", which even when it has had an impact on Cuban civil society , it is not the fundamental reason for the economic imbalance, the lack of social opportunities and the political persecution ; Appreciating that civil society organizations independent they have made enormous efforts to guarantee access to food for special protection groups such as the elderly; highlighting that the people who were part of the historical generation and believed in the revolutionary process, are today one of the main affected due to shortages and access to quality food, due to the low purchasing power of pensioners and the queues to access food ; Given that access to food is guaranteed by the State through the ration book, which is insufficient in both variety and quantity to complete the diet of the month; Understanding that access to regulated food requires sacrifice of one or several members of the family who, through waiting, pay with their time the subsidy provided by the State; accepting that access to food calls for additional strategies by Cuban families who are forced to go to the black market to obtain goods that do not exist in the official distribution networks; The initiative to create the Food Monitor Program, responsible for showing that the right to food has been used as an instrument of domination in Cuba since the incorporation of the supply book in March 1962. It is assumed that the greater intervention of the State-Party eliminated the power of agency of the citizens, transformed their food practices, controlled their time and managed their private life . The promise of guaranteeing social and economic rights such as food was paid for with the subtraction of civil and political rights. Cuba is an emblematic case in the matter, not only because it was recognized by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations -FAO- for having eradicated hunger, but also because it has expanded its model of food sovereignty to other countries such as Venezuela. Food Monitor Program aims to deconstruct the myth of food sovereignty in Cuba, dismantling the justifications for the blockade and evidencing its political instrumentalization, it also hopes to serve as a reference to prevent these models from continuing to be promoted in the region and serve as a way to dismantle democracy. and the rule of law. Thus, the principles on which the Food Monitor Program is founded are: 1. Food security and the right to food. Food security is based on four dimensions: 1. the physical availability of food; 2. economic and physical access to food; 3. food utilization; and 4. the stability over time of the first three dimensions. Therefore, any strategy aimed at guaranteeing the population's food supply that does not include the four dimensions of food security is understood to pursue goals other than those related to the right to food. 2. Interdependence of Human Rights. Taking into account the indivisibility and interdependence of Human Rights, it is understood that there is no hierarchy between them, nor can their violation be considered separately. In this sense, the instrumentalization of social and economic rights, such as the right to food, not only threatens this in particular but also undermines the integrality of the human being. 3. Exercise of freedoms as an intrinsic value of democracy. Any strategy developed by the State to guarantee access and availability of food must be based on the freedom of citizens to choose according to their preferences, so that social assistance strategies must be accompanied by competitive markets and stable production systems that guarantee affordable prices and permanent availability of food for the entire population. And the lines of action on which the activities of the Food Monitor Program are developed are: 1. Monitor the conditions of access, availability, use and stability of food in the different provinces of Cuba. 2. Analyze gender roles in the search, preparation and distribution of food within Cuban homes. 3. Determine the forms of social control that operate in the distribution and purchase of food in Cuba. 4. Expose the violation of rights that occurs in the Cuban context as a result of the food policy developed by the Cuban regime. 5. Establish relationships between the food practices of Cubans and the conditions of precariousness and crisis caused by the Cuban regime. 6. Characterize the various social representations around food and its role in the construction of food identity in Cuba.

WHOSE FAULT IS IT? For: claudia gonzalez December 21, 2021 00:00 / 04:21 AND AND n the first week of December, the Cuban minister of economy, Alejandro Gil Fernández, admitted having evidence that several state stores, marketers of food products and other necessities, they sold in dollars without authorization. At the meeting of the Council of Ministers, this practice was condemned, as well as the inflated circulation of currency on the black market, among other exchanges on the illegal market. Unlike the black market, the gray market calls what the Cuban government condemns as "diversion of goods", that is, the purchase and sale of merchandise outside the channels authorized by the supplier, these merchandise being legal. On the island, from small private businesses dedicated to gastronomy to the administration of cooperatives and other state entities are subject to this type of exchange. More than with “enrichment” and “corruption”, these practices seem to be related to “struggle”, subsistence and resistance against insufficient salaries and fiscal obstacles. When it comes to getting a job, a common question is, and what is resolved there? For many state workers, the assets and access of their companies are a way to supplement their insufficient wages. The social perception of this practice implies two things. First, with a gray market as scarce as Cuba's, access to food products often includes food of poor quality, poor quality, even past its expiration date. In the networks you can find these days homemade recipes for reuse of expired powdered milk that users have purchased in some establishments. Others wonder what the real ingredients are in a tomato sauce or a guava bar bought in state-run farmers' markets, and which are more like carrot soup or beet quince. Second, the discontent of the population is used by the official discourse to redirect social demands to the closest piece in the distribution chain, to the weakest link: the “reseller”, the “hoarder”, the “dealer”. As the crisis progresses, the official press exposes caricatures that ridicule or demonize agricultural producers and vendors, as the only culprits of the inflation in the prices of vegetables and meat. It would be necessary to consider what the pertinent chain of interpellation really is, is the shopkeeper who adds a profit margin more responsible than the one who limits the products for sale to a market in the currency in which wages are not paid, and to which few have access through remittances? Is the neighbor who "hoards" with the purchase of 5 bottles of cooking oil more responsible than the one who does not guarantee a September 5, January 17. 2020. proper importation and distribution, which then imposes up to 120% customs duty on the product? Is the corner vendor who raises the price of pork more responsible than the one who does not import supplies for the animal's fattening, and then sells his imported meat on online markets? Informal relations in Cuba, although not positive for its inhabitants, start from filling gaps created and perpetuated by the country's economic administration, which is not exempt from inequities in its governance system, corruption and patronage. An important step would be not to naturalize these inequalities, and not let them be instrumentalized in the weakest. Read all the columns of Claudia González in Food Monitor Program HERE

El derecho a la alimentación se reconoce como derecho humano en el artículo 25 de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos... From “material stimulus” to “food blackmail” For: claudia gonzalez January 18, 2022 00:00 / 05:05 D D ince the 1960s there has been discussion in Cuba about the relevance of labor stimulation. Initially, it was committed to the validity within Marxism, of accounting autonomy, self-financing and the system of material incentives. A staunch critic of this trend was Ernesto Guevara, who strongly discouraged the use of methods that he considered inherited from the past. Instead, Guevara promoted moral encouragement, the mere satisfaction of duty fulfilled before the construction of Socialism. The ethical value of the stimulus was circumscribed in the rigorous and trench atmosphere, which called for exemplary production, for the sake of "decisive effort". After the failure of the Ten Million Zafra, however, the Soviet system was adopted, which already used binding calculations between workers' remuneration and the quantity and quality of their work . First it was the delivery of Soviet-made household appliances (TVs, fans, irons), then Chinese (like bicycles in the 1990s). From the trade with the ALBA governments and, above all, from the export of medical, technical and sports services, the labor stimulus consisted of a percent of what the workplace earned in foreign currency. These incentives were not granted to all positions, but depended on the capacities of each ministry. In this way, they had more presence in those self-funded centers that generated profits (from the production or export of products and services), as well as in "strategic" centers linked to the upper echelons of the Communist Party of Cuba and the Government. In recent years, however, we have seen the gradual disappearance of material products, for others of food, consisting of chicken boxes, sausages, eggs or cooking oil, among other basic consumer products. Food is nowadays the most common stimuli to reward the work of the state worker, especially among medical, technical, sports personnel, etc. For example, Cuban athletes who received decorations at the Pan American qualifying event, held in Guadalajara, Mexico in 2021, were received in Cuba by representatives of the local government, with food combos that included cakes, cooking oil, sausages and vegetables. . If the stimuli are actions to promote the potential of the individual, food deliveries in Cuba have been the slow transition towards the impoverishment of this social mechanism, to the point of being almost a government survival device. The food has happened like this, to try to fit a salary system that does not fulfill the role that it responds to; Due to the real value of its content, it would be, perhaps, closer to the conception of the Guevarian moral stimulus. So, if the stimuli are intended to raise the worker's self-esteem, it is unfortunate that basic consumer products are proposed as such, and are even desired by their recipients. At a time of chronic shortages, the partial state delivery of food also creates an important social differentiation for citizens who are prevented from this access. The government is aware of the existing food insecurity, and part of this to control and condition militancy in key sectors "stimulating" with products that should be common, daily to all its citizens. Read all the columns of Claudia González in Food Monitor Program HERE

Los productos necesarios para una alimentación vegana o vegetariana no son consistentes en el comercio nacional ni parece existir una intención o voluntad gubernamental para suplir esta demanda... From “material stimulus” to “food blackmail” For: claudia gonzalez January 18, 2022 D D ince the 1960s there has been discussion in Cuba about the relevance of labor stimulation. Initially, it was committed to the validity within Marxism, of accounting autonomy, self-financing and the system of material incentives. A staunch critic of this trend was Ernesto Guevara, who strongly discouraged the use of methods that he considered inherited from the past. Instead, Guevara promoted moral encouragement, the mere satisfaction of duty fulfilled before the construction of Socialism. The ethical value of the stimulus was circumscribed in the rigorous and trench atmosphere, which called for exemplary production, for the sake of "decisive effort". After the failure of the Ten Million Zafra, however, the Soviet system was adopted, which already used binding calculations between workers' remuneration and the quantity and quality of their work . First it was the delivery of Soviet-made household appliances (TVs, fans, irons), then Chinese (like bicycles in the 1990s). From the trade with the ALBA governments and, above all, from the export of medical, technical and sports services, the labor stimulus consisted of a percent of what the workplace earned in foreign currency. These incentives were not granted to all positions, but depended on the capacities of each ministry. In this way, they had more presence in those self-funded centers that generated profits (from the production or export of products and services), as well as in "strategic" centers linked to the upper echelons of the Communist Party of Cuba and the Government. In recent years, however, we have seen the gradual disappearance of material products, for others of food, consisting of chicken boxes, sausages, eggs or cooking oil, among other basic consumer products. Food is nowadays the most common stimuli to reward the work of the state worker, especially among medical, technical, sports personnel, etc. For example, Cuban athletes who received decorations at the Pan American qualifying event, held in Guadalajara, Mexico in 2021, were received in Cuba by representatives of the local government, with food combos that included cakes, cooking oil, sausages and vegetables. . If the stimuli are actions to promote the potential of the individual, food deliveries in Cuba have been the slow transition towards the impoverishment of this social mechanism, to the point of being almost a government survival device. The food has happened like this, to try to fit a salary system that does not fulfill the role that it responds to; Due to the real value of its content, it would be, perhaps, closer to the conception of the Guevarian moral stimulus. So, if the stimuli are intended to raise the worker's self-esteem, it is unfortunate that basic consumer products are proposed as such, and are even desired by their recipients. At a time of chronic shortages, the partial state delivery of food also creates an important social differentiation for citizens who are prevented from this access. The government is aware of the existing food insecurity, and part of this to control and condition militancy in key sectors "stimulating" with products that should be common, daily to all its citizens. 1 two  This information is based on a field study carried out in Cuba in the months of March, April and May, still in process. Soon the Food Monitor Program will publish the results and testimonials on its website www.foodmonitorprogram.org. 1  The names of the interviewees have been changed in accordance with our data protection policy. two Read all the columns of Claudia González in Food Monitor Program HERE

The abundance of scarcity For: German Quintero January 04, 2022 00:00 / 04:40 precariousness for the Cuban population. For December 31 of last year, the government distributed rum and cigarettes to the entire population, assuming that rum and cigarettes would alleviate the situation of discontent. The government did not take into account that an important part of the population, not only children and pregnant mothers, does not consume rum or cigarettes, either because they are not part of their consumption habits, or simply because the products are of poor quality. . These state courtesies, obtained in the warehouse through the Booklet, were resold at more than five times the value established by the regime. Last week, independent media denounced the fines imposed on citizens who wanted to resell products that they did not consume in order to complement a fragile basic basket, lacking eggs and milk, but full of cigarettes and poor quality rum. The year 2021 will be remembered as one of the most difficult for Cuban citizens in terms of consumption, after the Special Period. Tourism income and remittances were strongly affected by the tightening of some of the embargo measures, of the health measures to mitigate the pandemic and, above all, by the spectacular failure of the regime's administrative management, which since the implementation of the Ordering Task at the beginning of that year, where in addition to not promoting domestic production, unifying the Cuban peso with the CUC, promoting the MLC and ignoring the situation of the international market, it was unable to meet the import quota and implemented sufficient measures to maintain or increase internal production. Cuba's economic crisis and the scarcity of goods is largely due to this implementation, which also had the misfortune of coinciding with the rise in international prices of consumer goods and a spiral of prices that shot up and moved away out of reach many foods that were obtained in foreign currency. For the sample, a button: the levels of fishing -affirmed government officials- would not return to those of three decades ago . The fishing laws of 1996 and the most recent of 2020 still do not have the necessary tools to be able to bring fish to the tables of Cubans. How is it possible that on an island, which has not only the sea but also important river sources, it is not easy to procure fish? How is it explained that there is an overexploitation of fishing resources on the island, but there is a shortage of this food? According to official sources, the annual per capita consumption of fish was 16 kg; today it barely reaches 3.8 kg. In short, following official data, each person in Cuba eats about 300 grams of fish per month. This year's forecast is no better than 2021: Going into 2022, essential foods continue to be in short supply and the prices of inputs such as beef, pork, rice, milk, butter and beans are rising. The concern among the population is widespread: some people seek solutions through the rituals of "feeding the land" of the Santeros, while others prepare social mobilizations that echo the cries of "we are hungry" and "freedom" of the 11J demonstrations. Added to this is the massive migration of many of the political dissidents who have been forced to leave the country due to the pressures to which the political regime has subjected them. The panorama of economic crisis in Cuba and the consequent food crisis will be one of the greatest challenges to be faced for this year. The 13% drop in the Gross Domestic Product during 2020 and 2021, as well as the reduction in tourism issues, will be important burdens that will make a dent in the food supply. For now, ordinary Cubans will continue to have to trade rum and cigarettes for basic necessities. AND AND he year 2021 has ended with a situation of extreme Read all of German Quintero's columns on the Food Monitor Program HERE

La facultad de elegir por nosotros mismos qué alimentos deseamos probar, consumir, incorporar o sustraer de nuestra dieta diaria... From “material stimulus” to “food blackmail” For: claudia gonzalez January 18, 2022 D D ince the 1960s there has been discussion in Cuba about the relevance of labor stimulation. Initially, it was committed to the validity within Marxism, of accounting autonomy, self-financing and the system of material incentives. A staunch critic of this trend was Ernesto Guevara, who strongly discouraged the use of methods that he considered inherited from the past. Instead, Guevara promoted moral encouragement, the mere satisfaction of duty fulfilled before the construction of Socialism. The ethical value of the stimulus was circumscribed in the rigorous and trench atmosphere, which called for exemplary production, for the sake of "decisive effort". After the failure of the Ten Million Zafra, however, the Soviet system was adopted, which already used binding calculations between workers' remuneration and the quantity and quality of their work . First it was the delivery of Soviet-made household appliances (TVs, fans, irons), then Chinese (like bicycles in the 1990s). From the trade with the ALBA governments and, above all, from the export of medical, technical and sports services, the labor stimulus consisted of a percent of what the workplace earned in foreign currency. These incentives were not granted to all positions, but depended on the capacities of each ministry. In this way, they had more presence in those self-funded centers that generated profits (from the production or export of products and services), as well as in "strategic" centers linked to the upper echelons of the Communist Party of Cuba and the Government. In recent years, however, we have seen the gradual disappearance of material products, for others of food, consisting of chicken boxes, sausages, eggs or cooking oil, among other basic consumer products. Food is nowadays the most common stimuli to reward the work of the state worker, especially among medical, technical, sports personnel, etc. For example, Cuban athletes who received decorations at the Pan American qualifying event, held in Guadalajara, Mexico in 2021, were received in Cuba by representatives of the local government, with food combos that included cakes, cooking oil, sausages and vegetables. . If the stimuli are actions to promote the potential of the individual, food deliveries in Cuba have been the slow transition towards the impoverishment of this social mechanism, to the point of being almost a government survival device. The food has happened like this, to try to fit a salary system that does not fulfill the role that it responds to; Due to the real value of its content, it would be, perhaps, closer to the conception of the Guevarian moral stimulus. So, if the stimuli are intended to raise the worker's self-esteem, it is unfortunate that basic consumer products are proposed as such, and are even desired by their recipients. At a time of chronic shortages, the partial state delivery of food also creates an important social differentiation for citizens who are prevented from this access. The government is aware of the existing food insecurity, and part of this to control and condition militancy in key sectors "stimulating" with products that should be common, daily to all its citizens. Read all the columns of Claudia González in Food Monitor Program HERE

Nota de PRENSA Nota de prensa N° 1 - Food Monitor Program Debido a la falta de libretas de abastecimiento, el Ministerio de Comercio Interior anuncia medidas para la anotación de productos alimenticios en los meses de enero y febrero de 2023 03 de enero de 2023 English Version Versión en español El Ministerio de Comercio Interior (MINCIN), por medio del envío de un documento oficial, anunció el pasado 26 de diciembre de 2022 que debido al “atraso en la fabricación por la industria de Libretas de control de productos alimenticios” no será posible entregar las libretas de abastecimiento en ocho de las dieciséis provincias de Cuba. Las provincias totalmente afectadas serán Mayabeque, Villa Clara, Cienfuegos, Sancti Spíritus, Ciego de Ávila y Granma, mientras que habrá afectación parcial en las provincias de La Habana, Pinar del Río y Santiago de Cuba. El documento enviado a “Directores Estatales de Comercio y Directores de los Grupos Empresariales” de las provincias anteriormente mencionadas, informa que, debido al atraso en la producción de libretas, se establece un procedimiento “transitorio” de anotación de los productos de la canasta básica familiar normada. Se explica, además, que este atraso se debe a “las limitaciones financieras que provocaron atrasos en la importación de materia prima para la confección de las libretas” y que ello condujo a “atrasos significativos” en la producción y distribución de las libretas de abastecimiento para el año 2023. Como en el año pasado , las anotaciones del año 2023 se realizarán en las libretas de 2022. El uso de la libreta de 2022, según este procedimiento, será ajustado para anotar en otras páginas los productos del nuevo año. En la casilla derecha de la página 11 se realizará la anotación de los productos secos, cárnicos y leche de la canasta familiar normada, reflejando el nombre del producto en la columna ‘cantidad’ y en la columna ‘fecha’ la cantidad del producto que se recibe por el total de consumidores del núcleo. En la página 19 se anotará el pan marcando la cantidad y la fecha. Los combustibles se anotarán en la misma página 2, aclarando la fecha y la cantidad. Al igual que con los combustibles, las dietas médicas del 2023 se anotarán en la página correspondiente. Para el Gas Licuado del Petróleo (GLP), que es una de las fuentes de energía para la preparación de alimentos, será validada por medio de los vales de venta que se emiten en la fecha de adquisición. En el último apartado del procedimiento, el MINCIN indica que los distribuidores serán los encargados de hacer la actualización de las libretas antes del 30 de marzo de 2023. FMP llama la atención sobre la persistencia en las condiciones de desabastecimiento de “materias primas” que se han justificado como “problemas financieros” durante los años 2021 y 2022. En el primer caso, la justificación del desabastecimiento se debía a la falta de insumos, producida por la situación económica en pandemia; en el último por causa del “bloqueo”. Esta situación terminará por afectar, nuevamente, a los consumidores de los productos básicos de la canasta familia, quienes tras la Tarea Ordenamiento y la escasez profunda de alimentos se han visto cada vez más dependientes del documento de racionamiento. En esta ecuación, la mayoría de la población con menor capacidad adquisitiva, sin fuentes de ingreso por remesas ni acceso a moneda MLC se ubicará en condiciones de vulnerabilidad serias. FMP continúa advirtiendo sobre las graves consecuencias que tiene este tipo de situaciones a la hora de garantizar un debido derecho a la alimentación de la población en Cuba.

supply book Noviembre, 2021 In 1962, the Supply Book was created by decree in Cuba and, since then, few Cubans imagine the food performance of their household without this document. So, it presented a basic food basket as part of the central and planned economy. Although, initially, it had a direct monetary and product subsidy from the Soviet Union, after the dissolution of the latter, the contents of the passbook were drastically reduced. Over the years, the notebook continued to lose prominence in its essential supplies, for example, in 2009 it again suffered a cut in grains, salt and tubers, and a year later the quota of cigarettes was definitively eliminated, which went to a regulated free sale. Currently there are around 3,809,000 family units registered in the booklet system, grouping more than 11 million Cubans. The products of the notebook are variable according to geographical area and may be subject to administrative, production and transportation errors of their products, as well as the actual availability and import capacity of the country. Despite this, during the last two years the notebook has been not only a management document for the delivery of regulated food, but also for the regulation of donations and other controlled, but not subsidized, products within the emergency policies by the COVID-19. As the economic crisis has worsened, Cuban households have once again become more dependent on this document, showing an increase in its registration, as an instrument of surveillance and social regulation, as well as the normalization of food insecurity. The Food Monitor Program conducted semi-structured interviews to obtain information on the food experiences of Cuban citizens around the supply book, their purchasing power, dependence on subsidies, perception of well-being and food security, bartering and survival dynamics, among others. EVERYTHING IS SO EXPENSIVE THAT THE SUBSIDY IS A RELIEF Leandro Fernandez* "If there are elderly people or children, it is impossible to survive without the notebook since most of the month you have to buy products on the street"... Read more... HERE IS EVERYTHING Diana Sanchez* "I consider that the family diet cannot survive without the notebook, at least, even if it is that little bit, a few days helps"... Read more... I DON'T MAKE LUNCH AND DINNER LIKE I BEFORE Glory Morales* "The products of the notebook are missing because there is nowhere to get rice, sugar, or coffee, oil is scarce". Read more... WE GET EVERYTHING FROM THE BLACK BAG Richard Gonzalez* "The State does not have or deliver any released product, all the acquisition is in the black bag, which thus makes life more expensive"... Read more... I HAVE SOLD THINGS FROM THE HOUSE TO EAT Read more... "For everything you have to show the notebook because, in addition to not being able to buy in any store"... Mireya Lopez* I CAN'T REACH Yaima Reyes* "I've only had access to a combo once from abroad, for a donation through a friend"... Read more...

Mientras algunas zonas logran estar medianamente abastecidas, hay otras que solo se abastecen una vez por mes. A causa de este fenómeno da lugar al crecimiento desmedido de la especulación, se multiplican los precios de los productos que escasean hasta 10 veces... The abundance of scarcity For: German Quintero January 04, 2022 precariousness for the Cuban population. For December 31 of last year, the government distributed rum and cigarettes to the entire population, assuming that rum and cigarettes would alleviate the situation of discontent. The government did not take into account that an important part of the population, not only children and pregnant mothers, does not consume rum or cigarettes, either because they are not part of their consumption habits, or simply because the products are of poor quality. . These state courtesies, obtained in the warehouse through the Booklet, were resold at more than five times the value established by the regime. Last week, independent media denounced the fines imposed on citizens who wanted to resell products that they did not consume in order to complement a fragile basic basket, lacking eggs and milk, but full of cigarettes and poor quality rum. The year 2021 will be remembered as one of the most difficult for Cuban citizens in terms of consumption, after the Special Period. Tourism income and remittances were strongly affected by the tightening of some of the embargo measures, of the health measures to mitigate the pandemic and, above all, by the spectacular failure of the regime's administrative management, which since the implementation of the Ordering Task at the beginning of that year, where in addition to not promoting domestic production, unifying the Cuban peso with the CUC, promoting the MLC and ignoring the situation of the international market, it was unable to meet the import quota and implemented sufficient measures to maintain or increase internal production. Cuba's economic crisis and the scarcity of goods is largely due to this implementation, which also had the misfortune of coinciding with the rise in international prices of consumer goods and a spiral of prices that shot up and moved away out of reach many foods that were obtained in foreign currency. For the sample, a button: the levels of fishing -affirmed government officials- would not return to those of three decades ago . The fishing laws of 1996 and the most recent of 2020 still do not have the necessary tools to be able to bring fish to the tables of Cubans. How is it possible that on an island, which has not only the sea but also important river sources, it is not easy to procure fish? How is it explained that there is an overexploitation of fishing resources on the island, but there is a shortage of this food? According to official sources, the annual per capita consumption of fish was 16 kg; today it barely reaches 3.8 kg. In short, following official data, each person in Cuba eats about 300 grams of fish per month. This year's forecast is no better than 2021: Going into 2022, essential foods continue to be in short supply and the prices of inputs such as beef, pork, rice, milk, butter and beans are rising. The concern among the population is widespread: some people seek solutions through the rituals of "feeding the land" of the Santeros, while others prepare social mobilizations that echo the cries of "we are hungry" and "freedom" of the 11J demonstrations. Added to this is the massive migration of many of the political dissidents who have been forced to leave the country due to the pressures to which the political regime has subjected them. The panorama of economic crisis in Cuba and the consequent food crisis will be one of the greatest challenges to be faced for this year. The 13% drop in the Gross Domestic Product during 2020 and 2021, as well as the reduction in tourism issues, will be important burdens that will make a dent in the food supply. For now, ordinary Cubans will continue to have to trade rum and cigarettes for basic necessities. AND AND he year 2021 has ended with a situation of extreme Read all of German Quintero's columns on the Food Monitor Program HERE

El derecho a la alimentación es inseparable de la justicia social, y que la alimentación de las personas es uno de los objetivos primarios de cualquier gobierno; y de hecho, parte de los planes de soberanía nacional. The abundance of scarcity For: German Quintero January 04, 2022 precariousness for the Cuban population. For December 31 of last year, the government distributed rum and cigarettes to the entire population, assuming that rum and cigarettes would alleviate the situation of discontent. The government did not take into account that an important part of the population, not only children and pregnant mothers, does not consume rum or cigarettes, either because they are not part of their consumption habits, or simply because the products are of poor quality. . These state courtesies, obtained in the warehouse through the Booklet, were resold at more than five times the value established by the regime. Last week, independent media denounced the fines imposed on citizens who wanted to resell products that they did not consume in order to complement a fragile basic basket, lacking eggs and milk, but full of cigarettes and poor quality rum. The year 2021 will be remembered as one of the most difficult for Cuban citizens in terms of consumption, after the Special Period. Tourism income and remittances were strongly affected by the tightening of some of the embargo measures, of the health measures to mitigate the pandemic and, above all, by the spectacular failure of the regime's administrative management, which since the implementation of the Ordering Task at the beginning of that year, where in addition to not promoting domestic production, unifying the Cuban peso with the CUC, promoting the MLC and ignoring the situation of the international market, it was unable to meet the import quota and implemented sufficient measures to maintain or increase internal production. Cuba's economic crisis and the scarcity of goods is largely due to this implementation, which also had the misfortune of coinciding with the rise in international prices of consumer goods and a spiral of prices that shot up and moved away out of reach many foods that were obtained in foreign currency. For the sample, a button: the levels of fishing -affirmed government officials- would not return to those of three decades ago . The fishing laws of 1996 and the most recent of 2020 still do not have the necessary tools to be able to bring fish to the tables of Cubans. How is it possible that on an island, which has not only the sea but also important river sources, it is not easy to procure fish? How is it explained that there is an overexploitation of fishing resources on the island, but there is a shortage of this food? According to official sources, the annual per capita consumption of fish was 16 kg; today it barely reaches 3.8 kg. In short, following official data, each person in Cuba eats about 300 grams of fish per month. This year's forecast is no better than 2021: Going into 2022, essential foods continue to be in short supply and the prices of inputs such as beef, pork, rice, milk, butter and beans are rising. The concern among the population is widespread: some people seek solutions through the rituals of "feeding the land" of the Santeros, while others prepare social mobilizations that echo the cries of "we are hungry" and "freedom" of the 11J demonstrations. Added to this is the massive migration of many of the political dissidents who have been forced to leave the country due to the pressures to which the political regime has subjected them. The panorama of economic crisis in Cuba and the consequent food crisis will be one of the greatest challenges to be faced for this year. The 13% drop in the Gross Domestic Product during 2020 and 2021, as well as the reduction in tourism issues, will be important burdens that will make a dent in the food supply. For now, ordinary Cubans will continue to have to trade rum and cigarettes for basic necessities. AND AND he year 2021 has ended with a situation of extreme Read all of German Quintero's columns on the Food Monitor Program HERE

Visitamos familias en las 15 provincias de Cuba para conocer sus formas de vida en torno a la alimentación y recogimos fotos para comparar las experiencias con la comida con el fin de evidenciar que el hambre no se ha erradicado y hay profundas desigualdades en el acceso a la alimentación. SIDEWALK The income categories represented correspond to the global income per family. The photos were taken between the months of March-April 2022, so we adjusted to an average exchange rate during this period of time of 1 dollar = 100 CUP. This rate corresponds to the one existing in the black market since it is the most common space to acquire basic products in Cuba. -$4250 CUP/month = $42.50 USD/month $4,250-9,660 CUP/month = $42.50-96.60 USD/month +$9660 CUP/month = $96.60 USD/month FAMILIES Income determines how each family lives, electrical appliances  you own, the furniture you have, and the food you can take home. The relationship with food goes through the relationship with money and access to foreign currency. CATEGORIES The water with which food is prepared, the electrical appliances that are used, the spaces in which it is shared, the objects that are used, the dishes that are prepared and the cleaning implements, allow us to distinguish the relationship that families have with feeding